Tag Archives: politics

Taming the Urgency Instinct

This instinct, out of ten harmful perspectives mentioned in the 2018 book Factfulness, is the one the Roslings tackle last. It’s also one that gives me a lot of trouble. During the few days’ lull between this past Tuesday’s election and the crescendo of year-end fundraising appeals that begin to fill my postal and email in boxes this time of year, perhaps I can further tamp down my tendency to concentrate on “quick fixes.” Some problems have festered for decades, if not centuries. There may even be some whose contours are already getting less dire.  

Most of us have sometimes been lured by advertising and/or public pronouncements of “now or never.” When I was a teenager,  teen pregnancy was considered a big problem. Back then, one of the era’s most popular music idols recorded a new English lyric to an earlier Italian song. Elvis had me and many of my classmates swooning, though we might have been pretty hazy on what “be mine” meant: 

“It’s now or never, come hold me tight, 
Kiss me, my darling, be mine tonight–
Tomorrow will be too late,
It’s now or never, my love won’t wait.”

The testosterone-driven urgency of this 1961 lyric did not boost efforts to promote sexual responsibility among impressionable teens. However, Elvis was more echo than cause of an epidemic of post-World War II teen childbearing. The rate of teen pregnancies had peaked in 1957 at an estimated 96.3 births per 1,000 young women aged 15 through 19. It then began to decline. By 1986, it had fallen to 50.2.  (https://www.congress.gov/crs-product/R45184) The rate has since dropped even further, registering a historic low of 13.1 in 2023. Many successive studies confirm the negative impacts of teen births: “Adolescent childbearing is associated with significant social, health, and financial risks for teens, their families, and society more broadly.” 

Perhaps mothers (and fathers) of teenagers have over time come up with more effective ways to impress upon their daughters (and sons) the dangers of this particular “now or never” argument. Perhaps teens have gotten better at assessing risks.

Lately, most of the “now or never” appeals I’ve been getting involve either 

1) the need to reduce food insecurity or 
2) the dire consequences if we elect candidates of the “other” political party.  

1) It’s true that confusion and ongoing changes to SNAP benefits (also known as “food stamps”) for millions of low and moderate income Americans have temporarily increased food insecurity in many places. To compensate, food pantries, non-profits that provide meals, and food rescue organizations have all stepped up their fundraising and distribution efforts to mitigate negative impacts in the U.S.  It is also true that too many people throughout the world lack reliable access to healthy, nutritious food. Heartrending videos of ongoing hunger and starvation in Gaza and in Sudan can make us want to do something, anything, right away, to reduce the harm. 

What gets less attention are strides that continue to be made in producing sufficient food globally.  Per a recent report from the U.S. Department of Agriculture: “Over the past six decades, world production of crops, livestock, and aquaculture commodities grew from a gross value of $1.1 trillion to $4.3 trillion (2015 dollars). … As global agricultural productivity has risen, fewer natural and environmental resources per unit of agricultural production have been used.” (https://www.ers.usda.gov/amber-waves/2024/september/global-changes-in-agricultural-production-productivity-and-resource-use-over-six-decades

A decade or so after my Elvis phase, I listened to another singer, Harry Chapin, as he pitched the importance of helping solve the hunger crisis. Harry was convinced that world hunger was a solvable problem—more a distribution issue than overall scarcity. An organization he helped found, WhyHunger, still exists and is working in multiple countries to help reduce food insecurity. A similar group, The Hunger Project, works with a slightly different focus but similar goals. Related groups such as Drawdown, working to reduce the impacts of climate change, point to the current waste in our global food systems as a potential source of both increased food security and decreased greenhouse gas emissions. Reliable estimates put current global food waste at about 1/3 of all food produced.

2) Ever since the 2000 election cycle, I’ve gotten increasing numbers of urgent solicitations from political candidates and committees. Not all, but most requests want to persuade me that the opposing candidate or party is venal if not downright evil. They do little to explain how their candidate(s) might make conditions better, but concentrate on how their opponent(s) will make things worse. After several years of such solicitations from one party, I got so annoyed that I changed my voter registration to “no party affiliation.” Unfortunately, that just produced more requests—now from “both” sides. 

I don’t deny that much in our current political system cries out for reform. What I do question is whether replacing one set of naysayers with a different set of “nattering nabobs of negativism” would improve the situation. Per a recently edited Wikipedia article on “divided government in the United States”  (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Divided_government_in_the_United_States), the U.S. has had roughly equal periods of divided and “unified” government since our current two political parties coalesced in 1857. There have been about 76 years when the Executive branch (the Presidency) was led by a different party than at least one house of the Legislative branch (the Congress). There were 74 years when a single party controlled both the executive and legislative branches. It’s not clear to me whether either set of periods was substantially better at governing the country.  

https://whyhunger.org http://thehungerproject.org http://drawdown.org

My “urgency instinct” is likely to kick in to some extent this giving season. I will likely make additional donations to food rescue organizations to reduce current food insecurity. Once the next election season ramps up, I may make small campaign contributions or volunteer for a local candidate.  However, I’ll continue to use whatever time is left to me to move away from “now OR never” toward “some now AND some later.” May you similarly use your material and spiritual resources. Happy Thanksgiving!  

DEI or UIE?

Current dismantling of “diversity, equity, and inclusion” efforts, in our national government and elsewhere, lead me to wonder whether any of us would be willing to be subject to their opposites: uniformity, inequity, and exclusion. 

We too often can seem to be playing a cynical game of zero-sum, short-term “yo-yo” with efforts that have ebbed and flowed for generations, if not millennia. We need to remember that diversity is broader than a label–it includes all our many efforts to understand our differences. Let’s be careful lest, in a push to reform any excesses of DEI, we prematurely abandon valuable progress because of the discomfort that diversity, equity and inclusion work inevitably creates. Be we mainstream or marginalized (most of us can be either, depending on the situation), changing the habits we’ve developed in the ways we treat each other rarely comes naturally. Also, American impatience with the pace of change sometimes redounds to our detriment. For example, among lessons yet to be learned from the covid-19 pandemic is that recovery from a serious societal trauma takes both effort and time. 

An advocate of inclusion I recently came across is author Ty Tashiro, whose 2017 book Awkward, includes a discussion of an increasingly diverse American social landscape and the nearly universal awkwardness this can engender: 

“[I’m] one of those who strongly believes … [that] more inclusionary attitudes toward traditionally marginalized groups have been positive and long overdue. I think it’s important to make clear that I hold a supportive view of these changes because I would also suggest that these societal shifts have come with some societal growing pains. These significant shifts … have created a post-institutional social world where traditional expectations have faded away and new expectations have yet to be clearly defined. It’s all right to admit that social progress comes with a little confusion about what to do next.

Many people are also discovering how much work it takes to truly embrace diversity. It’s one thing for people to say that they support racial diversity, gender equality, or gay marriage, but being fully open to negotiating different attitudes and expectations takes a tremendous amount of social awareness and effort.”  

I believe that some of the current vitriol of our politics and social lives comes from an intersection of burgeoning social media with correspondingly increased diversity in our population. We can too easily get “siloed” in our media diets and either not be exposed to differing views at all or start to view people with differing views as somehow less than human. Over the longer term, we cannot maintain whatever fragile status quo we imagine we’re protecting by building a wall, out-shouting our opponents, or using intimidation. The sooner we resume the slow, important work of promoting diversity, equity, and inclusion, the more likely we are to succeed in our ongoing experiments in democratic governance and civil society.    

Trauma and Healing

Southern California at the start to 2025 has been the site of extensive trauma. Multiple wildfires are burning large areas around Los Angeles, abetted by fierce Santa Ana winds and a winter drought. Still not fully contained, the fires have killed dozens, forced mass evacuations, destroyed thousands of homes and businesses. 

People elsewhere haven’t been immune, either. Even if we’ve tried to shield ourselves from too much media exposure, we probably have heard about the New Year’s Day killing of New Orleans revelers by a disturbed military veteran who rammed his truck into a crowd. It’s hard to remain entirely oblivious to ongoing warfare and carnage in Ukraine, in Sudan, or in Gaza, where a limited ceasefire seems finally to be taking hold. 

As someone who came of age at the height of U.S. involvement in Vietnam in the late 1960’s, I’ve had long, indirect exposure to that war’s trauma. The Vietnam Veterans Memorial, dedicated in Washington, D.C. in 1982, is inscribed with the names of the over 58,000 American soldiers who lost their lives in that war. Estimates of the number of Vietnamese deaths in the period 1965-1975 range from about 750,000 to over 3 million, including both soldiers and civilians. Somewhere around a million Vietnamese survivors became “boat people,” making perilous sea journeys that eventually led many to settle in the U.S.  

The more people I get to know, the more history I learn, the more I become aware of traumas that have impacted millions of Americans. The past fifty years or so have uncovered more of the pain and dislocation of the chattel slavery practiced from about 1650 until the 1865 end of the American Civil War in the territory of the U.S. Even after the legal abolition of slavery, discriminatory practices and intimidation continued to severely circumscribe the lives of many former slaves. “Generational trauma” can persist, perpetuated by the lack of respect or opportunity accorded many African-Americans for centuries. 

Not all who are traumatized are black. More and more accounts are surfacing of gender-based violence, of violence in families, of mental illness or suicidal tendencies among those exposed to extended trauma. No amount of wealth, privilege, or fame seems sufficient to make one immune. 

Today we celebrate a holiday in honor of Martin Luther King, Jr., considered by many to be one of the most effective civil rights leaders during the 1950’s and 1960’s. King’s life began in racially segregated Atlanta, Georgia in January, 1929. Despite the constrictions of segregation, King excelled in his studies, attended Morehouse College, and later Boston University, where he completed his doctorate in 1955. Beginning in 1954, King also served as pastor of the Dexter Avenue Baptist Church in Montgomery, Alabama. In December, 1955, King was tapped to be the public face of the Montgomery Bus Boycott, started when Rosa Parks, a black woman, declined to give up her bus seat to a white passenger who boarded the bus at a later stop. King’s oratory and his negotiating skills were important in bringing the boycott to a successful conclusion after over a year.

King became known for his espousal of nonviolence, based partly on the practices of Indian independence pioneer Mahatma Gandhi. In some of his writings, King gave six principles of non-violence: 

1. Nonviolence is a way of life for courageous people.
2. Nonviolence seeks to win friendship and understanding.
3. Nonviolence seeks to defeat injustice, not people.
4. Nonviolence holds that suffering for a just cause can educate and transform.
5. Nonviolence chooses love instead of hate.
6. Nonviolence believes that the universe is on the side of justice.

King’s dedication to nonviolence was tested early during the bus boycott, when in January, 1956, his house was firebombed while he was away giving a speech at a nearby church. His wife and infant daughter were inside–fortunately they were not hurt. A mob of armed supporters later assembled bent on retribution, but King persuaded them to go home and lay down their weapons. Later, when on a book tour about the bus boycott in 1958, King was stabbed in the chest by a deranged woman. King was successfully operated on, recovered, and went on to lead further nonviolent protests. For years, he was hounded and wiretapped by J. Edgar Hoover’s FBI. He was jailed nearly thirty times, often on trumped up charges. If anyone should have become embittered or violent as a result of continued and multiple traumas, you’d think it might be MLK. 

Instead, as long as he was alive, he continued to work nonviolently for social change. He was not perfect, but his example of transcending trauma through the healing power of nonviolence is one we need to remember, especially now. 

Fearing Fear Itself

It sometimes seems to me that the media environment surrounding me is getting increasingly fear inducing. Should our American predilection for gun violence have me quaking in my shoes? Is another deadly pandemic inevitable? Should I be afraid of the overwhelming consequences of irreversible climate change? Is our political system broken beyond repair? To help provide context and retain some sense of balance, I look for historical parallels and trends rather than just following the headlines or lead story:  

—Colonial America had more endemic violence than we see now. Dueling with pistols was then considered a socially acceptable means of “settling” disputes. Unfortunately, firearm deaths remain among major causes of death in the U.S., with the majority of those deaths being suicides. Rates vary considerably by locality and over time. After a U.S. low of under 29,000 fatalities in 1999 and 2000, the death toll again began to climb. Starting in 2015, it increased significantly, by 2021 exceeding 48,000. However, because of population growth, the gun death rate of 14.6 gun deaths per 100,000 people in 2021 was still below the prior peak of 16.3 gun deaths per 100,000 people in 1974. 

—During the 2020-2023 covid pandemic, losses were immense, but the global death toll, estimated at 5 to 6 million, was just over 10% of the estimated toll of the prior 1918-1920 influenza pandemic. Both pandemics fell far short of the catastrophic losses from bubonic plague outbreaks that wiped out about a third of Europe’s human population during the 14th century. 

—Erratic weather events seem to have become more frequent, yet warning systems, preparation, and remediation resources have also improved. In 1900, a hurricane all but obliterated Galveston, Texas. The storm killed an estimated 10,000 people, primarily because there were inadequate weather warnings.

—We certainly have a current crop of crooked politicians and political shenanigans, but the respective eras of “Boss Tweed” of NYC’s Tammany Hall and later “Kingfish” Huey Long of Louisiana could run contemporary political machinations a close second. 

In our current round of political theater, have we allowed ourselves too often, though, to be frightened by our supposed differences, be they political party, ethnicity, gender, or any other category? It may now sadly be a somewhat realistic fear to fear those who for political gain try to incite us to fear each other.   

Our most famous U.S. political quote about the toxicity of fear comes from Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s first inaugural address in March, 1933. Then, the nation’s economy was reeling after a 1929 stock market crash and several years of deepening economic dysfunction. FDR was a seasoned politician and also someone who had made an arduous recovery from the paralyzing polio he’d contracted in 1921. Without downplaying the dire state of the economy, he spoke to rally our citizenry by beginning with the need to reduce fear: 

“So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself—nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.”  

He then went on to outline actions for restoring trust (there’s a reason many banks have “trust” as part of their names) and for minimizing further panic (there’s also a reason that financial panics are called “panics.”)

A recent explanation of the importance of not succumbing to fear comes from a 2018 book that helped get me through covid isolation: Factfulness. Authored by former Sweden-based global health researcher, professor and statistician Hans Rosling, the book evaluates a whole set of instinctual responses that can distort our human reactions to situations and events. Fear is one of the most insidious. 

Anecdotally, Rosling describes his initial reaction while coping as a young emergency room physician with his first trauma event, a downed, incoherent pilot. Temporarily short of more seasoned backup, Rosling’s initial reaction was fear-driven: 

“…(M)y head quickly generated a worst-case scenario. … I saw what I was afraid of seeing [a Russian intruder signaling the start of World War III]. Critical thinking is always difficult, but it’s almost impossible when we are scared. There’s no room for facts when our minds are occupied by fear.”  

Fortunately for Rosling and for his patient, an experienced nurse soon returned from her lunch break and identified the real problem [a Swedish pilot whose training mission had ended with a ditched plane and resulted in hypothermia]. She reclaimed the situation before the young doctor’s fear response resulted in serious errors. 

Rosling also provides statistical evidence contrasting what we find frightening and what our actual risks may be: “This chapter has touched on terrifying events: natural disasters (0.1 percent of all deaths), plane crashes (0.001 percent), murders (0.7 percent), nuclear leaks (0 percent) and terrorism (0.05 percent). None of them kills more than 1 percent of the people who die each year, and still they get enormous media attention.”

Per Rosling, we all need to become better at distinguishing between what we find frightening and what is truly dangerous. He elaborates: “The world seems scarier than it is because what you hear about it has been selected—by your own attention filter or by the media—precisely because it is scary.” We need to evaluate situations based both on the actual danger and on our level of exposure to that danger. 

In conclusion, he offers this suggestion: “Get calm(er) before you carry on.”  Good advice for troubling times.